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MARX, KARL.

Kapital. Kritika politicheskoj ekonomii. Perevod c nmetskago. Tom pervoej. Kniga I. Protschess proizvodstva Kapitala. (Russian, = The Capital. Critique of the Political Economy. Translated from German. Volume One. Book I [all].). - [FIRST TRANSLATION INTO ANY LANGUAGE OF "THE BIBLE OF MARXISM"]

Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn60281
S.-Peterburg, N.I. Poliakov, 1872. Large 8vo. In a nice recent half calf binding with gilt lettering to spine and five raised bands. First few leaves with light soling and a closed tear and a few marginal repairs to title-page. pp. 11-18 with repairs to upper outer corner. Closed tears to last leaf, otherwise a fine copy. XIII, (3), 678 pp. (wanting the half-title).

First Russian edition (first issue, with the issue-pointers), being the first translation into any language, of Marx' immensely influential main work, probably the greatest revolutionary work of the nineteenth century.Marx' groundbreaking "Das Kapital" originally appeared in German in 1867, and only the first part of the work appeared in Marx' lifetime. The very first foreign translation of the work was that into Russian, which, considering Russian censorship at the time, would seem a very unlikely event. But as it happened, "Das Kapital" actually came to enjoy greater renown in Russia than in any other country; for many varying reasons, it won a warm reception in many political quarters in Russia, and it enjoyed a totally unexpected rapid and widespread success. The first Russian translation of "Das Kapital" came to have a profound influence the economic development of of Russia. It was frequently quoted in the most important economic and political discussions on how to industrialize Russia and the essential points of the work were seen by many as the essential questions for an industrializing Russia. " "Das Kapital" arrived in Russia just at the moment that the Russian economy was recovering from the slump that followed Emancipation and was beginning to assume capitalist characteristics. Industrialization raised in the minds of the intelligentsia the question of their country's economic destiny. And it was precisely this concern that drew Mikhailovsky and many of the "intelligenty" to "Das Kapital"." (Resis, p. 232).The story of how the first printing of the first translation of "Das Kapital" came about, is quite unexpected. As the "triumph of Marxism in backward Russia is commonly regarded as a historical anomaly" (Resis, p. 221), so is the triumph of the first Russian edition of "Das Kapital". The main credit for the coming to be of the translation of "Das Kapital" must be given to Nicolai Danielson, later a highly important economist in his own right. The idea came from a circle of revolutionary youths in St. Petersburg, including N.F. Danielson, G.A. Lopatin, M.F. Negreskul, and N.N. Liubavin, all four of whom participated in the project. Danielson had read the work shortly after its publication and it had made such an impact on him that he decided to make it available to the Russian reading public. He persuaded N.I. Poliakov to run the risk of publishing it. "Poliakov, the publisher, specialized in publishing authors, Russian and foreign, considered dangerous by the authorities. Poliakov also frequently subsidized revolutionaries by commissioning them to do translations for his publishing house. Diffusion of advanced ideas rather than profit was no doubt his primary motive in publishing the book." (Resis, p. 222). Owing to Danielson's initiative, Poliakov engaged first Bakunin, and then Lopatin to do the translation. Danielson himself finished the translation and saw the work through press. It was undeniably his leadership that brought Marx to the Russian reading public. In fact, with the first Russian edition of "Das Kapital", Danielson was responsible for the first public success of the revolutionizing work. "Few scholars today would deny that "Das Kapital" has had an enormous effect on history in the past hundred years. Nonetheless, when the book was published in Hamburg on September 5, 1867, it made scarcely a stir, except among German revolutionaries. Marx complained that his work was greeted by "a conspiracy of silence" on the part of "a pack of liberals and vulgar economists." However desperately he contrived to provoke established economists to take up "Das Kapital"'s challenge to their work, his efforts came to nought. But in October 1868 Marx received good news from an unexpected source. From Nikolai Frantsevich Danielson, a young economist employed by the St. Petersburg Mutual Credit Society, came a letter informing Marx that N. P. Poliakov, a publisher of that city, desired to publish a Russian translation of the first volume of "Das Kapital"; moreover, he also wanted to publish the forthcoming second volume. Danielson, the publisher's representative, requested that Marx send him the proofs of volume 2 as they came off the press so that Poliakov could publish both volumes simultaneously. Marx replied immediately. The publication of a Russian edition of volume 1, he wrote, should not be held up, because the completion of volume 2 might be delayed by some six months [in fact, it did not appear in Marx' life-time and was only published ab. 17 years later, in 1885]; and in any case volume 1 represented an independent whole. Danielson proceeded at once to set the project in motion. Nearly four years passed, however, before a Russian translation appeared. Indeed, a year passed before the translation was even begun, and four translators tried their hand at it before Danielson was able to send the manuscript to the printers in late December 1871." (Resis, pp. 221-22). This explains how the book came to be translated, but how did this main work of revolutionary thought escape the rigid Russian censors? "By an odd quirk of history the first foreign translation of "Das Kapital" to appear was the Russian, which Petersburgers found in their bookshops early in April 1872. Giving his imprimatur, the censor, one Skuratov, had written "few people in Russia will read it, and still fewer will understand it." He was wrong: the edition of three thousand sold out quickly; and in 1880 Marx was writing to his friend F.A. Sorge that "our success is still greater in Russia, where "Kapital" is read and appreciated more than anywhere else." (PMM 359, p.218). Astonishingly, Within six weeks of the publication date, nine hundred copies of the edition of three thousand had already been sold."Under the new laws on the press, "Das Kapital" could have been proscribed on any number of grounds. The Temporary Rules held, for example, that censorship must not permit publication of works that "expound the harmful doctrines of socialism or communism" or works that "rouse enmity and hatred of one class for another." The Board of Censors of Foreign Publications was specifically instructed to prohibit importation of works contrary to the tenets of the Orthodox Church or works that led to atheism, materialism, or disrespect for Scriptures. Nor did the recent fate of the works of Marx and Engels at the hands of the censors offer much hope that "Das Kapital" would pass censorship. As recently as August 11, the censors of foreign works had decided to ban importation of Engels' "Die Lage der arbeitenden Klassen in England", and, according to Lopatin, the censors reprimanded Poliakov for daring to run announcements on book jackets of the forthcoming publication of "Das Kapital". By 1872 the censors had prohibited the importation and circulation of all works by Marx and Engels except one - "Das Kapital". The book, as we shall see, had already won some recognition in Russia shortly after its publication in Germany. Not until 1871, however, did the censors render a judgment on the book, when the Central Committee of Censors of Foreign Publications, on the recommendation of its reader, permitted importation and circulation of the book both in the original language and in translation. The official reader had described the book as "a difficult, inaccessible, strictly scientific work," implying that it could scarcely pose a danger to the state. [...] The length and complexity of the book prompted the office to divide the task of scrutinizing it between two readers, D. Skuratov, who read the first half of the book, and A. De-Roberti, who read the last half. Skuratov dutifully listed objectionable socialist and antireligious passages, taking special note of Marx's harsh attack on the land reforms General Kiselev had instituted in the Danubian Principalities. But in his report Skuratov dismissed these attacks as harmless, since they were imbedded in a "colossal mass of abstruse, somewhat obscure politico-economic argumentation." Indeed, he regarded the work as its own best antidote to sedition. "It can be confidently stated," he wrote, "that in Russia few will read it and even fewer will understand it." Second, he said, the book could do little harm. Since the book attacked a system rather than individual persons, Skuratov implied that the book would not incite acts threatening the safety of the royal family and government officials. Third, he believed that the argument of the book did not apply to Russia. Marx attacked the unbridled competition practiced in the British factory system, and such attacks, Skuratov asserted, could find no target in Russia because the tsarist regime did not pursue a policy of laissez faire. Indeed, at that very moment, Skuratov stated, a special commission had drafted a plan that "as zealously protects the workers' well-being from abuses on the part of the employers as it protects the employers' interests against lack of discipline and nonfulfillment of obligations on the part of the workers." Repeating most of Skuratov's views, De-Roberti also noted that the book contained a good account of the impact of the factory system and the system of unpaid labor time that prevailed in the West. In spite of the obvious socialist tendency of the book, he concluded, a court case could scarcely be made against it, because the censors of foreign works had already agreed to permit importation and circulation of the German edition. With the last barrier removed, on March 27, 1872, the Russian translation of "Das Kapital" went on sale in the Russian Empire. The publisher, translators, and advocates of the book had persevered in the project for nearly four years until they were finally able to bring the book to the Russian reading public." (Resis, pp. 220-22). The Russian authorities quickly realized, however, that Skuratov's statement could not have been more wrong, and the planned second edition of the Russian translation was forbidden; thus it came to be published in New York, in 1890. That second edition is nearly identical to the first, which can be distinguished by the misplaced comma opposite "p. 73" in the table of contents (replaced by a full stop in the 2nd ed.) and the "e" at the end of l. 40 on p. 65 (replaced by a "c" in the 2nd ed.). A third edition, translated from the fourth German edition, appeared in 1898. Volumes 2 and 3 of "Das Kapital" appeared in Russian translation, also by Danielson, in 1885 and 1896.See: Albert Resis, Das Kapital Comes to Russia, in: Slavic Review, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Jun., 1970), pp. 219-237.
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CALE, JOHN (+) BOCKRIS, VICTOR.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62763
London, Bloomsbury, 1999 (1997/1998 ?). Folio. Unbound, as issued, unopened in original plastic protection, in the original cardboard box with photographic paper-label to lid and to back. Number 518 out of 1000 copies, signed by Cale. The lid of the cardboard box with very light edge wear, otherwise mint condition. Richly illustrated throughout with photographs, reproductions of manuscripts, artworks, and memorabilia from Cale’s archives. Also included is a copy of the nornmal, unnumbered edition, dated 1999, in the original cardboard-binding with photographic paper-label to front and back board and printed spine. This copy is opened and with the same illustrated contents as the limited signed edition, which is unopened in its original plastic protection. Corners slightly bumped, otherwise a very nice and clean copy. 272 pp. Signed, numbered edition - rarely found in the trade - of John Cale's autobiography, an artwork in itself. Cale was a founding member of the American rock band the Velvet Underground: "arguably the most influential American rock band of our time" (The New York Times, October 3, 2013). The book mixes text, poetry, and collage-like visual material in an experimental narrative reflecting Cale’s avantgarde style. It covers Cale’s early years in Wales, his work with La Monte Young and the Theatre of Eternal Music, his period with The Velvet Underground and his subsequent solo and production career with Nico, Patti Smith, Brian Eno, The Stooges, and others.
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KIERKEGAARD, SØREN.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62263
Kjøbenhavn, Reitzel, 1844. Small 8vo. 110, (1) pp. Completely uncut in the original blue cardboard-binding. Minimal wear to capitals, and hinges with a tiny tear to front upper and back hinge. Minute paper loss to capitals, and minimal loss to one corner. The printed title-label preserved in its entirety. Brownspotting due to the quality of the paper.A truly magnificent copy in completely original state – almost looks like it came straight off the press. First edition of Kierkegaard's most humorous book, Prefaces, in the very rare original blue binding in truly magnificent state and with the printed title-label preserved in its entirety. Published simultaneously with The Concept of Anxiety, Prefaces can be viewed as its companion piece. It represents an altogether different genre and is the most humorous of all of Kierkegaard’s works, but the two fictional authors of the works interestingly contrast each other. Although having been eclipsed by the now notoriously famous Concept of Anxiety, Prefaces was in fact more popular when it appeared and sold many more copies. Written under the pseudonym of Nicolaus Notabene, the “author” name indicates that despite its humorous approach, Prefaces is still something serious – something to be noted. And it certainly is. It is here that we find Kierkegaard’s sarcastic roasting of the Hegelian system and of the Danish Hegelians with Johan Ludvig Heiberg as the main representant. Through Notabene, he makes fun of Heiberg and Hegel, who both want to explain everything and want to be mediators of understanding. Just as Hafniensis in The Concept on Anxiety poses that “how sin came into the world each man understands solely by himself. If he would learn it from another, he would misunderstand it” (p. 51), so Notabene in Prefaces states that “My frame, my health, my entire constitution do not lend themselves to mediation” (p. 45). In Prefaces we also find Kierkegaard’s thoughts about the relationship between the reading public and the author and his fierce criticism of literary critics and reviewers, among these also Heiberg as well as Martensen, who famously reviewed Either-Or and Repetition respectively. And in the very amusing preface to the Prefaces, we are given another glimpse into Kierkegaard’s thoughts on marriage and the dilemma he found himself in with Regine – the inner struggle between he, who is the husband, and he, who is the author; can one be both? With its challenging notions on the idea of the book and the interaction of the book with its readers, his little ironic masterpiece is a clear forerunner of Postmodernism. “Kierkegaard’s ‘Prefaces’ is a brief though not unimportant work. Themes he develops elsewhere at greater length here are presented with characteristic insight and wit. This richly suggestive text has never received the attention it deserves. William McDonald’s fine translation now makes it possible to assess the importance of ‘Prefaces’ for Kierkegaard’s œuvre and to appreciate its significance for philosophical, literary, and theological issues that are still with us.” (From the review of William McDonald’s 1989 edition of Prefaces in English in the Kierkegaard and Postmodernism-series). Written under a pseudonym and without Kierkegaard’s name appearing as publisher or indeed as anything else, he was unable to give away presentation-copies of the work (due to his own strict set of rules for this). Thus, not a single presentation copy of the work exists. A single copy of the book was in the auction catalogue of his book collection after his death. Himmelstrup 70. The present copy is no. 28 in Girsel's "Kierkegaard" (The Catalogue) which can be found here.
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SPONSEL, JEAN LOUIS
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62774
Dresden, Verlag von Gerhard Kühtmann. 1897. Large4to. In contemporary half cloth with leather title-label to spine. Light discolouration to upper margins of boards. Inner front hinge quite weak. Internally very nice and clean. VII, 316 pp. + 52 colour lithograph plates and 266 monotone illustrations (included in the pagination). First edition of one of the most important and influential art-historical publications of the Belle Époque. This magnificent work established the artistic poster as a recognised and serious art form. The work provides a comprehensive geographical survey of the principal poster artists of the day and includes 52 colour lithograph plates and 266 monochrome illustrations by Chéret, Toulouse-Lautrec, Steinlen, Grasset, Mucha, Will Bradley, Louis Rhead, and others. Jean Louis Sponsel (1858–1930) was a German art historian and museum director in Dresden, known for his studies on the decorative and graphic arts. Director of the Grünes Gewölbe and scholar of the Kupferstich-Kabinett, he was among the first to recognise the artistic importance of the modern poster. The present work remains a landmark publication, elevating poster design to the status of fine art.
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HUET, PIERRE DANIEL.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62786
Amsterdam, Herman Uytwerf, 1723. 8vo. Bound in a bit later half calf binding with six raised bands with gilt lettering and ornamentation to spine. All edges coloured in red. Previous owner's name to title-page and internally with light occassional browning. XX, (8), 449,+ (3) pp. Fullpage wood-cut on p. 57. Second edition.
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KIERKEGAARD, SØREN.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62266
Kjøbenhavn, Reitzel, 1845. Large 8vo. (8), 383 pp. An extraordinary copy printed on very heavy vellum-paper and bound in the mid-20th century in an elegant black half Morocco binding with single gilt lines to boards; double gilt lines and Gothic gilt lettering to spine (bound by Agnete With). Top edge gilt. A bit of brownspotting throughout. With the bookplate of Henning Kehler to inside of front board and with neat pencil annotations to back free end-paper describing the history of the copy. With a handwritten correction on p. 47. Kierkegaard's own copy of the pivotal sequel to his main work Either-Or, one of two copies printed on special paper, with Kierkegaard's own handwritten correction on p. 47. In Either-Or, Kierkegaard had presented the first two stages, the aesthetic and the ethical. In Stages on Life's Way, he continues his work on these stages and moves on to present also the religious stage, which occupies approximately two thirds of the work. The religious stage is that in which man attains a personal relationship with God and that in which man only truly begins to exist, the aesthetic and ethical stages being inadequate. It is in this foundational work, in the religious stage, that Kierkegaard first properly describes what is now known as the "Leap of Faith" (in fact a "leap to faith"), namely the leap that involves willing and belief instead of reason and knowledge, the leap that you take in order to connect to God and which requires that which Kierkegaard calls "the suspension of the ethical". Undoubtedly among Kierkegaard's most brilliant literary achievements, Stages on Life's Way is written in the form of different viewpoints of Kierkegaard's many pseudonymous characters. We have both Hilarius Bookbinder, who by chance has come into possession of the documents presented in the work and has prepared them for printing. We have the famous banquet scene, which mirrors Plato's Symposium, described by William Afham, and in which the three aesthetics participate: Johannes the Seducer, Victor Eremita, and Constatin Constantius. We have Judge William's discourse in praise of marriage, and we have the diary, discovered by Frater Taciturnus, of a young man, who was deeply in love but felt compelled to break off his engagement. This story in form of a diary is the closest one comes to a description of Kierkegaard's own love story, his relationship to Regine. The diary describes an engagement that has lasted for six months; it alternates between the morning notes that recall the engagement and the midnight notes that put it all in perspective. The work closes with a letter to the reader from Taciturnus on the three "existence-spheres" represented by the three parts of the book. Stages on Life's Way is one of Kierkegaard's most important works. Not only does it sum up and explain some of the most important themes of Kierkegaard's previous works, utilizing the characters and pseudonymous authors of the earlier works to do so; it goes beyond these foundational themes, introduces the religious stage, and points to the further development of the central themes in Kierkegaard's philosophy, most of which are only fully developed in Concluding Unscientific Postscript. Written under a pseudonym and without Kierkegaard's name appearing as publisher or indeed anything else, he was unable to give away presentation-copies of the work (due to his own rigid set of rules for his presentation-copies). Thus, not a single presentation copy of the work exists. A single copy of the book was in the auction catalogue of his book collection after his death. In Rohde's edition of the auction-record, this copy and its recent faith is thoroughly described. Like Repetition, Prefaces, and his other seven pseudonymous works, Stages on Life's Way was printed in two copies each on vellum-paper and bound in special bindings, one for Regine, one for Kierkegaard himself. 24 years ago, three of these books surfaced, at an auction in 2002, namely Either-Or, Repetition, and Prefaces, all being the copies Kierkegaard had bound for Regine. Before that, only one single copy of one of these eight titles for Kierkegaard himself or for Regine were known (namely Kierkegaard's own copy of Either-Or, which is in the Danish Royal Library). Seven of the books, Kierkegaard's own copies, were listed in the auction catalogue after his death, but apart from the mentioned copy of Either-Or in the Royal Library, the others had not been found. Kierkegaard's wildly famous love story and failed engagement to Regine Olsen plays a pivotal role throughout Kierkegaard's entire life and work. It all begins in 1837, when Kierkegaard meets the lovely young girl Regine Olsen at a visit to the widowed Cathrine Rørdam. Three years later, in September 1840, after having corresponded frequently with her and visited her on numerous occasions, Kierkegaard decides to ask for her hand in marriage. She and her family accept, but the following day, Kierkegaard regrets his decision and ends up finally breaking off the engagement in October 1841. Disregarding the scandal, the heartbreak (his own included), and the numerous pleas from family members and friends alike, Kierkegaard's tortured soul, still searching for God and for the meaning of faith, cannot continue living with the promise of marriage. Later the same month, he flees Copenhagen and the scandal surrounding the broken engagement. He leaves for Berlin, the first of his four stays there, clearly tortured by his decision, but also intent on not being able to go through with the engagement. As is evident from his posthumously published Papers, Kierkegaard's only way out of the relationship was to play a charming, but cold, villain, a charlatan, not betraying his inner thoughts and feelings. Despite the brevity of the engagement, it has gone down in history as one of the most significant in the entire history of modern thought. It is a real-life Werther-story with the father of Existentialism as the main character, thus with the dumbfounding existentialist outcome that no-one could have foreseen. This exceedingly famous and difficult engagement became the introduction to one of the most influential authorships in the last two centuries. "She was the reason for my authorship", Kierkegaard writes in his Papers, and there is no doubt that several of his most significant works are born out of the relationship with Regine – and its ending. It is during his stay in Berlin, his first of four altogether, right after the rupture of the engagement, that he begins writing Either-Or, parts of which can be read as an almost autobiographical rendering of his failed engagement. After a couple of years, Regine got engaged to someone else, whom she married in 1847. But as is well known, Kierkegaard never married, and the impact of his engagement to Regine and what it made him understand – about himself, about religion, faith, the inner workings of the philosopher and the poet –, never lost its significance. It is evident from the many drafts of a letter that he sent to Regine, through her husband, in 1849 (which was returned to him, unopened) that he had never lain the matter to rest and that the relationship with Regine was still very much alive. He also states in his Notebook 15 from 1849 "By the way, it is certainly the case that my relationship with her has been a very close, present study for me of what faith is. For I know better in this relationship how it is apparently the exact opposite of the foundational. That I have lasted in this relationship has been useful for me in relating to God as a believer." In his Notebook 15, also known as My Relationship with Her, from 1849, Kierkegaard describes how, when he finally broke off the engagement and she tried to get him to stay, she had told him "that she would thank me her entire life for being allowed to stay with me, even if she were to live in a little cupboard" (SKS No. 16: 6). Thus, Kierkegaard had a little cupboard made, with no shelves in it. Here, he kept "everything that reminds me of her and will remind me of her. There is also a copy of the pseudonyms (i.e. the works that he wrote under a pseudonym); of these, there were always only two copies on vellum-paper, one for her and one for me." (SKS: Not. 15:6.). In all, Kierkegaard wrote eight pseudonymous books, Stages on Life's Way being one of them, all of which were evidently printed in two copies each on vellum-paper and bound in special bindings, one for Regine, one for Kierkegaard himself. This splendid copy, which is one of two specially produced copies, being Kierkegaard's own copy, with his own correction (deleting "ikke" – i.e. "not" on p. 47), is nr. 2136 in the auction catalogue of Kierkegaard's books sold after his death. In Rohde's official edition of the auction catalogue, there is a lengthy note on the present copy documenting the more recent history of the copy:"Now: Mogens Müllertz, Copenhagen. Copy on vellum-paper. S.K.,'s own handwritten correction of the printing error "not" on p. 47, cf Papers XI I, p. 36. The previous owner, the author Henning Kehler, has let the book, which was originally in half calf, rebind in black half calf by Agnete With and has pasted his book plate on the inside of the front board. In 1952, Henning Kehler gave the book as a Christmas present to Mogens Müllertz; in an accompanying letter Kehler writes, among other things: "even though the present book is my best and dearest, I still want you to have it. I know of no-one else to whom I would rather dispense with it." In an article "About printing errors", Berlingske Aftenavis 9.11.1963, Kehler touches upon this book gift: "Being a writer I am naturally hardened when it comes to printing errors, no book and no newspaper article is without errors. Søren Kierkegaard, who could even pay others – eg. Israel Levin – to proofread mentions in his Papers a printing error in "Stages on Life's Way", which kept vexing him. It was a "not" that had fallen out. I once owned a copy of the book that had been placed in the palisander book cabinet for Regine, and in that copy, this "not" had been added in ink and in Kierkegaard's handwriting. I gave the book to a book-mad collector – under false pretenses, alas." – Identification of the copy uncertain." (pp. 110-11).Although Kehler is mistaken in the correction being adding a "not" instead of deleting one, there is no doubt that this is the copy he is referring to. The sentence on p. 47, in which the correction occurs reads "Pro dii immortals what is a woman, when she is not in fashion, per deo obsecro what is she when she is not (this being the "not" that Kierkegaard has deleted here and was vexed about) in fashion".This copy on very heavy paper – one of the two printed like this – is approximately 1/3 thicker than normal copies of the book.The pencil annotations on the back free end-paper bear witness to the previous owner's frustration at Kehler for having tampered with the copy. After stating that this is Kierkegaard's personal copy, one of two on vellum-paper and copy nr. 2136 from the auction catalogue, he continues: "The copy used to have all edges gilt, a few leaves still have remains of this. The edge has been shaved at the ruthless rebinding that Henning Kehler in his complete lack of understanding of what he possessed had done." On Kehler's bookplate, the same previous owner has noted in neat pencil-annotation "bibliophile vandal".In spite of the frustration with this particular book having been rebound and not kept exactly as it was, this is still an utterly amazing copy of one of Kierkegaard's most important works – hands down the best copy there is of the work. Namely Kierkegaard's own, with his own correction, one of two printed on heavy paper, one for Regine, one for himself. We must be thankful that, despite the "vandalism" of the rebinding, the book is still here and identified as that same copy that Kierkegaard had made for himself. Himmelstrup 78.
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KIERKEGAARD, SØREN.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62268
(København), 1845. Large 4to (33 x 24, 8 cm). 2 columns to a page. Columns 15145 – 15160. 4 ff. + 1 f. (Følgeblad til Nr. 1890). Kierkegaard’s article is printed as a feuilleton at the bottom of the pages, beneath a printed double-line (this section is reserved for the serials), and runs from columns 15147-15153 + 15155-15159. Marginal dampstaining. The exceedingly scarce original printing of the two issues of The Fatherland that contain Kierkegaard’s highly important article on the performance of Don Giovanni at The Royal Theatre of Copenhagen in 1845. The present paper entitled A Cursory Observation Concerning a Detail in Don Giovanni, signed “A”, is of great importance in connection with Either-Or, to which Kierkegaard indirectly refers twice. The paper is in two parts and was printed over two numbers of The Fatherland, Monday 19th of May and Tuesday 20th of May, 1845. The occasion that prompted the paper was the re-staging of Don Juan at the Royal Theatre on February 23rd, 1845. Last time, Don Juan had been performed at The Royal Theatre was the season of 1839-40, where Kierkegaard was certainly also present. The first part of Either-Or contains “A’s Papers” (note that the present paper is signed by “A” as the author); it is in this part of the work that we find the chapter about the erotic stages, The Immediate Erotic Stages, Or The Musical-Erotic, which is devoted to the music of Mozart, in particular Don Juan. For Kierkegaard, Don Juan represents sensuality. And there is no other place where the untamed power of nature is better expressed than in Mozart’s Don Juan. Mozart’s Don Juan influenced Kierkegaard more than any other work of art, and throughout his life he returns to just how magnificent it is – “A work of genious that carries the touch of eternity”. Together with The Immediate Erotic Stages, Or The Musical-Erotic in Either-Or, the present article is Kierkegaard’s most important printed piece on Don Juan. When Nielsen collected and published Kierkegaard’s newspaper articles posthumously, in 1857, he apparently did not realize that Kierkegaard was also the author of the present pseudonymous paper and did not include it in his publication. It appeared as a separately published appendix two years later, in 1859, with remarks about the references to Either-Or. Fædrelandet – litterally translated as ”The Fatherland” – was a Danish newspaper that was founded in 1834 and existed until 1882. In the beginning it appeared weekly, but in 1839, it began appearing daily. With its cultural and political contents, it soon became the leading paper of the national liberal opposition. The paper was the most important paper in Kierkegaard’s time and the one that more than any other influenced public opinion. During the first years of its existence, the paper had numerous different publishers and editors. It also ended up in numerous controversies with the censorship authorities, resulting in many trials and fines. From May 1841, the editors of the paper were Carl Ploug and J.F. Giødwad. The latter would come to play an enormous role in Kierkegaard’s authorship, as would The Fatherland itself. Giødwad was one of the very few people that Kierkegaard has ever characterized as a “personal friend” (SKS 21 214,10). It is very likely that this friendship was initiated in 1842, when Kierkegaard published his first paper in The Fatherland, Aabenbart Skriftemaal. We know that from the Christmas of 1842, Giødwad helps with the proof reading of Either-Or and is thus clearly one of the most trusted people in his life. As we shall see later, it was also Giødwad, who represented Kierkegaard in dealings with publishers and printers, when it had to do with the pseudonymous writings, thus protecting Kierkegaard’s pseudonymity and shielding him from the public. Giødwad himself said that Kierkegaard initially got a favourable impression of him when at some point he had dismissed a reader, who wished to know who was behind an anonymous paper published in The Fatherland (see A.D. Jørgensen’s statement from 1885 in Kirmmsee, Søren Kierkegaard truffet, p. 88). Kierkegaard trusted Giødwad completely, and thereby also The Fatherland. Apart from his four earliest papers in Kjøbenhavnsposten (see nr. 1 above), The Fatherland was the only paper Kierkegaard would publish in. During its entire existence, The Fatherland would be published in ca 2.000 copies, making it of the utmost scarcity today. Almost all copies of it have been destroyed, thrown out, worn, etc., and it is extremely rare on the market. The few issues we have at the moment are the only ones from this period that we have ever seen for sale. Himmelstrup 84. The present copy is no. 33 in Girsel's "Kierkegaard" (The Catalogue) which can be found here.
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